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Opinion / Editorial

Left, right and people

Left, right and people

Since 1990, there is mainly talk of two rival political camps: left and right. But this classic classification, normal in the civilized, western world, does not make sense in the Albanian case. Before dividing them like this, we need to define the terms in question. Leftists generally represent the interests of the broadest strata of the population, the vulnerable strata that are interested in social policies that minimize inequalities in the distribution of wealth as much as possible. The political left is accustomed to the greater role of the state in the economy and the increase in the tax burden on business, for an accumulation that would go in favor of employment; that is, a type of centralism where the situation is not determined simply by supply-demand, but by a studied approach in accordance with the needs that mitigates the effects of competition. While the right minimizes the role of the state in the economy in a regulatory trend, and in terms of the employment challenge, they aim to solve it gradually by increasing profit rates and strategic investments. Leftists are seen as partisan in matters of abortion, attitude towards the family, etc.; while the rightists are considered conservative and traditional. For reasons known in Albania during the 45 years of the dictatorship, the class of the rich, industrialists, land owners was absent and we had a kind of infantile, paralytic proletariat that had blindly handed its fate over to the ruling caste: the slave syndrome that even when he feels exploited he tries to absolve the subject of any responsibility. The reason for this typology is the discourse to this day: "Left-wing people", "Right-wing people". Basically, they reflect the quality, the level of politics where the past, nostalgia is called to help whenever there are no serious development alternatives. The fact that the majority of the people after the end of the Cold War and the changes in the East demanded the overthrow of that system, nullified the fanatical, collectivist left, created a new accessible electorate that brought the DP to power by plebiscite vote in 1992. But the fact of the failure of the political class and the creation of precedents that endangered life, national identity, territorial integrity, the deteriorating economic situation and almost extinguished hopes for a better future, returned a part of the people to their old positions, in retrospect, apologies of the type "we were good when we were bad!". The SP was fully identified with the broadest layers of the population, as the party of tradition, while the DP as the party of the spirit of change, of great reforms, is more welcome in the West. This type of approach or propaganda aimed at parceling out the electorate and disunification on major issues has given its negative fruits, dividing the map of Albania into South and North, Red and Blue and plays with the terms of faith, of not changing the odds until in sacrifice. This has led a priori to a social division and class war of a new type, where the spirit of dissent still feels fresh between yesterday's persecuted category and the rest, with extreme terminology. Where the parties are also revising history and talking about two different worlds. It is enough to investigate social networks to understand this trend, where the institution of reconciliation and forgiveness finds very little place. When the rhetoric is from ordinary people, it also comes from ignorance of things, from the impossibility of having information classified by institutions, but when combined with more public voices, this becomes alarming and has long-term consequences. The connection between the citizen and the political subject is not and cannot be a marriage at the altar where the parties swear to each other for eternal loyalty. This is simply militancy, anachronistic! The most worthy definition would be "citizens" who want a better life for themselves and their families. In this context, we should no longer talk about bastions. This terminology must be removed from the use of democracy, because it is not in line with current, even global, developments. but when combined with more public voices, this becomes alarming and has long-term consequences. The connection between the citizen and the political subject is not and cannot be a marriage at the altar where the parties swear to each other for eternal loyalty. This is simply militancy, anachronistic! The most worthy definition would be "citizens" who want a better life for themselves and their families. In this context, we should no longer talk about bastions. This terminology must be removed from the use of democracy, because it is not in line with current, even global, developments. but when combined with more public voices, this becomes alarming and has long-term consequences. The connection between the citizen and the political subject is not and cannot be a marriage at the altar where the parties swear to each other for eternal loyalty. This is simply militancy, anachronistic! The most worthy definition would be "citizens" who want a better life for themselves and their families. In this context, we should no longer talk about bastions. This terminology must be removed from the use of democracy, because it is not in line with current, even global, developments. The most worthy definition would be "citizens" who want a better life for themselves and their families. In this context, we should no longer talk about bastions. This terminology must be removed from the use of democracy, because it is not in line with current, even global, developments. The most worthy definition would be "citizens" who want a better life for themselves and their families. In this context, we should no longer talk about bastions. This terminology must be removed from the use of democracy, because it is not in line with current, even global, developments.